Philadelphia and the privatization of a school system

We first made note of what was going on within the Philadelphia school system last year with the post Who Will Run Philadelphia’s Schools? Bill Gates?

Then in the Weekly Update : The Philadelphia horror story this month, I described how the schools in Philadelphia were to be privatized by closing neighborhood schools and populating the urban landscape  with charter chains. This wringing of hands over the economy and finding that enough of a reason to close public schools and replace them with the corporate vision of sanitized and privatized education has become the model for the takeover of our school systems starting in New Orleans with Hurricane Katrina and continuing on to Chicago and New York. For more on that subject, read the introduction to the Shock Doctrine by Naomi Klein Blank is Beautiful: Three Decades of Erasing and Remaking the World.

To follow is a portion of an article written by Ellen Brown, titled The Revolution Will Not Be Televised: Quiet Drama in Philadelphia.  Ms. Brown not only writes about the devastation wrought by closing neighborhood schools but also offers one solution of many in terms of providing greater financial power to states, cities and communities.

“You will not be able to plug in, turn on and cop out.

You will not be able to skip out for beer during commercials,

Because the revolution will not be televised,

The revolution will be live.”

- song by Gil Scott-Heron

Last week, the city of Philadelphia’s school system announced that it expects to close 40 public schools next year, and 64 schools by 2017. The school district expects to lose 40% of its current enrollment, and thousands of experienced, qualified teachers.

But corporate media in other cities made no mention of these massive school closings — nor of those in Chicago, Atlanta, or New York City. Even in the Philadelphia media, the voices of the parents, students and teachers who will suffer were omitted from most accounts.

It’s all about balancing the budgets of cities that have lost revenues from the economic downturn. Supposedly, there is simply no money for the luxury of providing an education for the people.

Where will those children find an education? Where will the teachers find work? Almost certainly in an explosion of private sector “charter schools,” where the quality of education — from the curriculum to books to the food served at lunch — will be sacrificed to the lowest bidder, and teachers’ salaries and benefits will be sacrificed to the profits of the new private owners, who will also eat up many millions of dollars of taxpayer subsidies.

Why does there always seem to be enough money for military expansion, prisons, bank bailouts and tax cuts for the wealthy, but not enough for education—or for jobs, housing, healthcare, or old age pensions? These are not “welfare” but are part of the social contract for which we pay taxes and make social security payments.

In an article reprinted on Truthout on May 10th titled “Why Isn’t Closing 40 Philadelphia Public Schools National News?,” Bruce Dixon posed this answer:

The city has a lot of poor and black children. Our ruling classes don’t want to invest in educating these young people, preferring instead to track into lifetimes of insecure, low-wage labor and/or prison. Our elites don’t need a populace educated in critical thinking. So low-cost holding tanks that deliver standardized lessons and tests, via computer if possible, operated by profit-making “educational entrepreneurs” are the way to go.

“Lifetimes of insecure, low-wage labor or prison”—this is very close to the “indentured servitude” that was abolished along with slavery by the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, ratified in 1865. The freed slaves are being recaptured by debt, beginning with the debt of school loans, followed by credit card debt, mortgage debt, and healthcare costs.

As was cynically observed in a document called the Hazard Circular, allegedly circulated by British banking interests among their American banking counterparts in July 1862:

[S]lavery is but the owning of labor and carries with it the care of the laborers, while the European plan, led by England, is that capital shall control labor by controlling wages. This can be done by controlling the money. The great debt that capitalists will see to it is made out of the war, must be used as a means to control the volume of money. . . . It will not do to allow the greenback, as it is called, to circulate as money any length of time, as we cannot control that. [Quoted in Charles Lindburgh, Banking and Currency and the Money Trust (Washington D.C.: National Capital Press, 1913), page 102.]

The quotation may be apocryphal, but it graphically conveys the fate of our burgeoning indentured class. It also suggests the way out: we must recapture the control of our money and banking systems, including the issuance of debt-free money (“greenbacks”) by the government.

To read the article in full, go to Common Dreams.

Book launch and panel discussion: Education and Capitalism

Saturday, June 2, 4:00 PM

University of Washington, Room 211 Smith Hall

Featuring

Sarah Knopp: Editor of Education and Capitalism and Los Angeles public school teacher

Jesse Hagopian: Contributor to Education and Capitalism and Seattle public school teacher

RSVP for this event at the Education and Capitalism Facebook page.

“Education and Capitalism: Struggles for Learning and Liberation” has just been published by Haymarket Books. There will be a book launch and panel discussion in Seattle on June 2nd at 4:00 PM, in the UW Room, 211 Smith Hall.

A conservative consensus dominates the discussion about what’s wrong with our schools and how to fix them: scapegoat teachers, vilify our unions, and promise more private control and market solutions. In each case, students lose—especially students of color and the children of the working class and the poor.

 Education and Capitalism, written by teacher activists, speaks back to that elite consensus. It draws on the ideas and experiences of social justice educators concerned with fighting against racism and working for equality—of activists trying to recapture the radical roots of the labor movement. Informed by a revolutionary vision of pedagogy, schools, and education, the book offers a radical critique of education in Corporate America, and contributes to a vision of education for liberation.

This will be an opportunity to get beyond the immediate education reform debate that we are often consumed with and go deeper into the nature of education.

What is knowledge? What is the role of education in the vastly unequal society that American Capitalism has created? What were Paulo Freire’s ideas in his famous “Pedagogy of the Oppressed?” During periods of mass struggle and revolution, how have students and teachers remade education on completely different models? What were the biggest struggles for social justice that teachers’ unions have taken up?

These questions and others will be addressed during this panel discussion.

The photo above was taken during an era when African-Americans did not have schools in the south and with the help of community leaders and teachers, schools were opened to all children. These schools were called Freedom Schools.

This video gives a brief history of that time.

There is also an interesting article written by the director/coordinator of the Freedom Schools in Mississippi , The Freedom Schools, An Informal History.

Dora

The growing fascism in America and the pushback: “No NATO, No War”

Even though this blog is about education it is also about the right that I have to share my views and opinions as well as information that might not be too comfortable for some people to have acknowledged publicly, but nonetheless I am able to write freely without concern of censorship or someone breaking down my door and arresting me. This is America. Right?

When I read the following article, I felt it was time to post what I have seen as an infringement on that right as well as the right that we have to be safe and secure in our own homes as listed in the Bill of Rights, specifically the following amendments:

Amendment 1

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

Amendment 4

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

I don’t use the term “Fascism” lightly. It’s a strong statement and a serious indictment against a government or a group of people but I believe the word is used appropriately at this moment in the United States.

The following article was posted in truthout,

NATO Protesters Held Without Charge After Raid as Chicago Steps Up Police Activities:

 

A pre-emptive raid by the Chicago Police Department (CPD) on the home of two Occupy Chicago activists may have happened without a search warrant, said the National Lawyers Guild (NLG), and led to the disappearance of nine activists into police custody without charge for almost 24 hours.

“I’d like to stress that we have done nothing wrong,” said Zoe Sigman, an Occupy Chicago activist whose home was raided. “We have been planning to protest NATO and there is nothing illegal about expressing our feelings about a war machine. Now we’re being treated as mere criminals. As if we’re part of an organized crime that they’re trying to take down. Who knows what they’re going to pin on us. We’re terrified.”

The raid of an apartment on Chicago’s Southside Bridgeport neighborhood occurred on Wednesday evening around 11:30 PM. So far, none of the activists have been charged and four were released Friday morning. According to witnesses, the raid was conducted by the Organized Crime Division of the CPD and a warrant produced at the site didn’t have the signature of a judge.

To read the article in full, go to truthout.

This late night raid is reminiscent of the Occupy raids that were made last year in several cities and towns around the country. They happened late at night or in the early morning when the press or other witnesses were not around or cordoned off blocks away from the encampments. and very similar to raids that have been made in various fascist states around the world.

But there is good news. Check out the photo’s that were taken today of the march in Chicago against NATO. There is resistance and push-back to this woefully un-American idea of authoritarian rule.

We are the 99%

Update:

This report from Democracy Now.

Ed reform bullpucky bingo

We’ve all heard these words and phrases coming out of the mouths of ed reformers. If nothing else, these folks do remain true to their script. I have heard these terms from leadership within the Washington State PTA,  the League of Education Voters, Stand for Children, Michelle Rhee, Arne Duncan,  the Broadies and many other corporate privateers. Unfortunately, these words and phrases have reverberated throughout the corporate sponsored media as well.

On the Dump Duncan Facebook page, someone started a thread that has continued throughout the week and I thought that it would be fun to provide you with words and phrases to use in a game of bingo that can be used whenever one of these privatizers decides to open their mouths and attempt to say something profound.

If I have time later today, I’ll put together a couple of sheets and post them for all to use or to pin up on your wall for easy reference.

You can join in on the Dump Duncan Facebook page or share your words and phrases here.

To follow are some of the words and phrases that I and others have shared along with some additional remarks made by Facebook  page members.

Have fun coming up with more!

data

accountability

achievement

rigor

merit pay

new energetic teachers

choice

students first

multiple measures

Public charter schools (one of my personal faves that our WSPTA Government Relations person likes to use)

And who hasn’t heard:

tools, toolkits, union thug, right to work (for less),  innovation, common core standards?

Also completely ruined/meaningless: data-driven, “evidence” based

stakeholders, tool in the toolbox and best practices

parent empowerment (AKA parent trigger)

Data-driven instruction, 21st century skills and improved student outcomes. I hate the word ACCOUNTABILITY most of all!

rigorous, college ready, Academy, excellence, alignment, data driven, value-added, alignment.

Speaking for myself only, I have STEM fatigue. Seriously….I’m tired of hearing about the supposed STEM crisis and how these are the most “important” subjects.

Common Core

In these difficult economic times…

Assessment, highly qualified

“Reform” and “Reform” and “Reform”

benchmark testing, College and Career Ready

Class size doesn’t matter (Gates and anyone from the Broad borg)

Poverty doesn’t matter (LEV and Rhee like to say this a lot)

We’re starting a conversation (after everything was decided behind closed doors).

This just in:

We have a new phrase for our list! “Personalized learning environments.” The second I saw it, I new it meant online education (because we all know how personal that is).

Chris Hedges on Revolution

I was re-reading this essay written by Chris Hedges and wanted to share it this weekend.

Why the Occupy Movement Frightens the Corporate Elite

Originally posted in truthout.

The real danger to the elite comes from déclassé intellectuals, those educated middle-class men and women who are barred by a calcified system from advancement. Artists without studios or theaters, teachers without classrooms, lawyers without clients, doctors without patients and journalists without newspapers descend economically. They become, as they mingle with the underclass, a bridge between the worlds of the elite and the oppressed. And they are the dynamite that triggers revolt.

In Robert E. Gamer’s book “The Developing Nations” is a chapter called “Why Men Do Not Revolt.” In it Gamer notes that although the oppressed often do revolt, the object of their hostility is misplaced. They vent their fury on a political puppet, someone who masks colonial power, a despised racial or ethnic group or an apostate within their own political class. The useless battles serve as an effective mask for what Gamer calls the “patron-client” networks that are responsible for the continuity of colonial oppression. The squabbles among the oppressed, the political campaigns between candidates who each are servants of colonial power, Gamer writes, absolve the actual centers of power from addressing the conditions that cause the frustrations of the people. Inequities, political disenfranchisement and injustices are never seriously addressed. “The government merely does the minimum necessary to prevent those few who are prone toward political action from organizing into politically effective groups,” he writes.

Gamer and many others who study the nature of colonial rule offer the best insights into the functioning of our corporate state. We have been, like nations on the periphery of empire, colonized. We are controlled by tiny corporate entities that have no loyalty to the nation and indeed in the language of traditional patriotism are traitors. They strip us of our resources, keep us politically passive and enrich themselves at our expense. The mechanisms of control are familiar to those whom the Martinique-born French psychiatrist and writer Frantz Fanon called “the wretched of the earth,” including African-Americans. The colonized are denied job security. Incomes are reduced to subsistence level. The poor are plunged into desperation. Mass movements, such as labor unions, are dismantled. The school system is degraded so only the elites have access to a superior education. Laws are written to legalize corporate plunder and abuse, as well as criminalize dissent. And the ensuing fear and instability—keenly felt this past weekend by the more than 200,000 Americans who lost their unemployment benefits—ensure political passivity by diverting all personal energy toward survival. It is an old, old game.

A change of power does not require the election of a Mitt Romney or a Barack Obama or a Democratic majority in Congress, or an attempt to reform the system or electing progressive candidates, but rather a destruction of corporate domination of the political process—Gamer’s “patron-client” networks. It requires the establishment of new mechanisms of governance to distribute wealth and protect resources, to curtail corporate power, to cope with the destruction of the ecosystem and to foster the common good. But we must first recognize ourselves as colonial subjects. We must accept that we have no effective voice in the way we are governed. We must accept the hollowness of electoral politics, the futility of our political theater, and we must destroy the corporate structure itself.

The danger the corporate state faces does not come from the poor. The poor, those Karl Marx dismissed as the Lumpenproletariat, do not mount revolutions, although they join them and often become cannon fodder. The real danger to the elite comes from déclassé intellectuals, those educated middle-class men and women who are barred by a calcified system from advancement. Artists without studios or theaters, teachers without classrooms, lawyers without clients, doctors without patients and journalists without newspapers descend economically. They become, as they mingle with the underclass, a bridge between the worlds of the elite and the oppressed. And they are the dynamite that triggers revolt.

This is why the Occupy movement frightens the corporate elite. What fosters revolution is not misery, but the gap between what people expect from their lives and what is offered. This is especially acute among the educated and the talented. They feel, with much justification, that they have been denied what they deserve. They set out to rectify this injustice. And the longer the injustice festers, the more radical they become.

The response of a dying regime—and our corporate regime is dying—is to employ increasing levels of force, and to foolishly refuse to ameliorate the chronic joblessness, foreclosures, mounting student debt, lack of medical insurance and exclusion from the centers of power. Revolutions are fueled by an inept and distant ruling class that perpetuates political paralysis. This ensures its eventual death.

In every revolutionary movement I covered in Latin America, Africa and the Middle East, the leadership emerged from déclassé intellectuals. The leaders were usually young or middle-aged, educated and always unable to meet their professional and personal aspirations. They were never part of the power elite, although often their parents had been. They were conversant in the language of power as well as the language of oppression. It is the presence of large numbers of déclassé intellectuals that makes the uprisings in Spain, Egypt, Greece and finally the United States threatening to the overlords at Goldman Sachs, ExxonMobil and JPMorgan Chase. They must face down opponents who understand, in a way the uneducated often do not, the lies disseminated on behalf of corporations by the public relations industry. These déclassé intellectuals, because they are conversant in economics and political theory, grasp that those who hold power, real power, are not the elected mandarins in Washington but the criminal class on Wall Street.

This is what made Malcolm X so threatening to the white power structure. He refused to countenance Martin Luther King’s fiction that white power and white liberals would ever lift black people out of economic squalor. King belatedly came to share Malcolm’s view. Malcolm X named the enemy. He exposed the lies. And until we see the corporate state, and the games it is playing with us, with the same kind of clarity, we will be nothing more than useful idiots.

“This is an era of hypocrisy,” Malcolm X said. “When white folks pretend that they want Negroes to be free, and Negroes pretend to white folks that they really believe that white folks want ‘em to be free, it’s an era of hypocrisy, brother. You fool me and I fool you. You pretend that you’re my brother and I pretend that I really believe you believe you’re my brother.”

Those within a demoralized ruling elite, like characters in a Chekhov play, increasingly understand that the system that enriches and empowers them is corrupt and decayed. They become cynical. They do not govern effectively. They retreat into hedonism. They no longer believe their own rhetoric. They devote their energies to stealing and exploiting as much, as fast, as possible. They pillage their own institutions, as we have seen with the newly disclosed loss of $2 billion within JPMorgan Chase, the meltdown of Chesapeake Energy Corp. or the collapse of Enron and Lehman Brothers. The elites become cannibals. They consume each other. This is what happens in the latter stages of all dying regimes. Louis XIV pillaged his own nobility by revoking patents of nobility and reselling them. It is what most corporations do to their shareholders. A dying ruling class, in short, no longer acts to preserve its own longevity. It becomes fashionable, even in the rarefied circles of the elite, to ridicule and laugh at the political puppets that are the public face of the corporate state.

To read this essay in full, go to Why the Occupy Movement Frightens the Corporate Elite.

Dora

Weekly Update: A charter school bill dies in Alabama and more testing pushback


Alabama, as Washington, does not have charter schools and for several very good reasons. See The Charter School Myths.

One of the reasons that Alabama opposes charter schools was stated by a member of the Alabama Education Association:

Dr. Henry Mabry, executive secretary of the Alabama Education Association, consistently told lawmakers during the session that the state didn’t need a dual system of schools when it couldn’t afford to adequately fund the single system it has.

Mabry noted the state has lost more than 12,500 education employees since 2008, and stands to lose hundreds more in the 2013-14 fiscal year budget.

“This is a victory for the schoolchildren of Alabama and the underserved public schools all over the state,” he said. “We don’t need to dilute even further the precious little funding for our elementary and secondary students to gamble on the unproven model of charter schools.”

To read the article in full, go to Charter Bill Dies.

As I noted in last week’s update, there has been much push back in terms of the unrelenting testing that has been occurring around the nation due to the big push by Arne Duncan in terms of his ill-conceived Race to the Top initiative. One of the reasons is provided in a survey that was given to 8,000 parents in the state of New York.

Over the course of two weeks, 8000 parents across the state responded to a survey developed by New York principals regarding their children’s experiences with the recent state 3-8 Assessments in ELA and mathematics.  The parent survey was conducted by www.newyorkprincipals.org   The purpose of the survey was to find out more about the effects of these exams.

Teachers and principals of 3-8 students were also surveyed. 6,641 teachers responded and 792 principals responded. Both groups expressed serious concerns and frustrations with the state testing program.

Parents who responded expressed serious concerns regarding the impact that these tests have had on their children and their learning:

  •  75% reported their child was more anxious in the month before the test
  •  Nearly 80% reported that test prep prevented their child from engaging in meaningful school activities.
  •  87% reported that the current amount of time devoted to standardized tests is not a good use of their child’s school time.
  •  95% were opposed to increasing the number and length of tests
  •  91% were opposed to standardized tests for K-2
  •  65% reported that too much time is devoted to test prep
  •  70% reported that the increased emphasis on high stakes testing has had a negative impact on their child’s school

In addition to responses to questions, about 4000 of the respondents left comments and short anecdotes revealing the following effects on their children:

  •  Physical symptoms caused by test anxiety, including tics, asthma attacks, acid reflux, vomiting;
  •  Sleep disruption, crying;
  •  Refusal to go to school;
  •  Feelings of failure, increasing as the tests progressed’
  •  Complaints of severe boredom and restlessness from students who finished early and were required to sit still for the full 90 minutes of each test.

To read more about this survey in, go to Results of survey from 8000 parents about impact of this year’s state tests.

In Florida there is also growing push back against high stakes testing. One school board member became a vocal opponent after taking the tests himself.

Last year, Orange County school board member Rick Roach took the 10th-grade level FCAT and failed the mathematics portion while getting a 62 percent on the reading portion.

“I have two master’s degrees,” said Roach. “I teach 19 graduate courses in four colleges, and that had me as a poor reader.”

Roach is part of the Central Florida Public School Boards Coalition, which is now requesting an external audit of this year’s results and Pearson.

Pearson is an international company that has virtually no competition in standardized testing.

For parents, one of the biggest problems was that they don’t get to see their child’s test afterward.

Roach said he failed because there were many secondary answers that could have been considered correct.

“You could justify that B is the correct answer, although A is what the test taker wanted you to pick,” said Roach.

The other question is school district officials don’t know who’s really scoring the tests. That information is kept confidential.

However, scorers that have gone public complain about having to read and score hundreds of papers a day at a rate of one per minute.

To read the article in full and watch an interview with the superintendent, go to Orange County school board member wants FCAT eliminated.

The superintendents in Florida also began questioning the value of the testing particularly because of the sudden drop in test scores. From an article written in the St. Augustine Record:

While the State Board of Education is lowering the passing grade for Florida’s standardized writing tests, district school superintendents say it would make more sense to first find out why the new test caused students to score so low.

“There’s something wrong with this exam,” Superintendent Joe Joyner said Tuesday during the St. Johns County School Board meeting.

Other superintendents agreed during a conference call with Florida Association of District School Superintendents directors on Monday, he said.

“We need to find out what the issue with the test is, not just set an arbitrary score,” Joyner said, adding that was a “pretty consistent comment” of superintendents in on the call.

“It was loud,” Joyner said of the call. “It was hard to get a chance to talk.”

The hoopla began Monday morning when the Department of Education, or DOE, posted word on its website that preliminary data showed only 27 percent of fourth graders in the state scored a Level 4 or higher on the test. Last year 81 percent made the cut. Eighth and 10th grade scores also showed steep drops.

That unleashed a fire storm as educators and parents sought to find out what had happened. The State Board held an emergency meeting Tuesday morning to look at how to handle the decline. They eventually decided to drop the required score from 4 back to 3.

District 2 member Tommy Allen said the problem began years ago when the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test was introduced.

The article continues:

“I said we were teaching to the test and I was fussed at. … I was right,” Allen said. “We’re not considering the student.”

It’s more important to help students accomplish goals and then move up to the next level rather than come up with “artificial grades,” he said.

To read the article in full, go to Superintendents: What is wrong with writing test?

On Education Radio this week the focus was on the Teaching Performance Assessment. To follow is the introduction to this radio program

In this weeks program, we listen to an episode we originally aired back in March about the development of a national Teacher Performance Assessment, driven by the testing giant, Pearson, Inc. Thanks to a recent story in the New York Times, this topic has gained new relevance and has opened up the discussion to a wider audience. Michael Winerip’s article, “New Procedure for Teaching LicenseDraws Protest,” appeared in the New York Times on Monday, May 7th. The story featured University of Massachusetts Amherst student teachers and instructors who are refusing to take part in the field test of a Teacher Performance Assessment being implemented by Pearson, Inc., a private company and the largest assessment and testing provider in the United States.

Both our program and the NYTimes article feature teacher educator, and Education Radio producer, Barbara Madeloni and her student teachers explaining what the TPA is and why they are resisting it. After our original broadcast, we heard from teachers and teacher educators from around the country who were also struggling with ways to resist. The article in the Times has, excitingly, further opened the discussion of the privatization of teacher training and resistance to this national audience. Since the story was published, we’ve received an incredible amount of feedback and comments that have affirmed the work of Barbara and her student teachers. This outcry of parents, teachers, activists and others who have contacted Barbara or commented on the article should remind us all that there are many out there who disagree with the current trend of privatizing public education. And that the act of teacher training cannot and should not be reduced to an assembly-line, Taylorist logic.

To listen to this broadcast, go to Education Radio’s program Pearson’s Teacher Performance Assessment: Exposed!

And finally this week, an interesting and recommended watch, the History of Occupy as viewed by a reporter for Al Jazerra.

Dora

From the National Academy of Sciences, a year ago this month, Current Test-Based Incentive Programs Have Not Consistently Raised Student Achievement in U.S

One year ago, the National Academies provided a report regarding the focus of standardized testing and its effects or lack thereof on our educational system. Unfortunately the Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and his corporate sponsors don’t seem to be heeding the warning.

To follow is a press release that was issued last May and deserves another review by all. Arne Duncan as well as our Washington State PTA could certainly use a reminder.

Dora

Current Test-Based Incentive Programs Have Not Consistently RaisedStudent Achievement in U.S.; Improved Approaches Should Be Developed and Evaluated

WASHINGTON — Despite being used for several decades, test-based incentives have not consistently generated positive effects on student achievement, says a new report from the National Research Council.  The report examines evidence on incentive programs, which impose sanctions or offer rewards for students, teachers, or schools on the basis of students’ test performance.  Federal and state governments have increasingly relied on incentives in recent decades as a way to raise accountability in public education and in the hope of driving improvements in achievement.

School-level incentives — like those of No Child Left Behind — produce some of the larger effects among the programs studied, but the gains are concentrated in elementary grade mathematics and are small in comparison with the improvements the nation hopes to achieve, the report says.  Evidence also suggests that high school exit exam programs, as currently implemented in many states, decrease the rate of high school graduation without increasing student achievement.

Policymakers should support the development and evaluation of promising new models that use test-based incentives in more sophisticated ways as one aspect of a richer accountability and improvement process, said the committee that wrote the report.

Incentives’ Effects on Student Achievement 

Attaching incentives to test scores can encourage teachers to focus narrowly on the material tested — in other words, to “teach to the test” — the report says.  As a result, students’ knowledge of the part of the subject matter that appears on the test may increase while their understanding of the untested portion may stay the same or even decrease, and the test scores may give an inflated picture of what students actually know with respect to the full range of content standards.

To control for any score inflation caused by teaching to the test, it is important to evaluate the effects of incentive programs not by looking at changes in the test scores tied to the incentives, but by looking at students’ scores on “low stakes” tests — such as the National Assessment of Educational Progress — that are not linked to incentives and are therefore less likely to be inflated, the report says.

When evaluated using low-stakes tests, the overall effects on achievement tend to be small and are effectively zero for a number of incentives programs, the committee concluded.  Even when evaluated using the tests attached to the incentives, a number of programs show only small effects.

Some incentives hold teachers or students accountable, while others affect whole schools. School-level incentives like those used in No Child Left Behind produce some of the larger achievement gains, the report says, but even these have an effect size of only around .08 standard deviations – the equivalent of moving a student currently performing at the 50th percentile to the 53rd percentile. For comparison, raising student performance in the U.S. to the level of the highest-performing nations would require a gain equivalent to a student climbing from the 50th to the 84th percentile.  The committee noted, however, that although a .08 effect size is small, few other education interventions have shown greater gains.

 Effects of High School Exit Exams

The study also examined evidence on the effects of high school exit exams, which are currently used by 25 states and typically involve tests in multiple subjects, all of which students must pass  in order to graduate.  This research suggests that such exams decrease the rate of high school graduation without improvements in student achievement as measured by low-stakes tests.

Broader Measures of Performance Needed

It is unreasonable to implement incentives tied to tests on a narrow range of content and then criticize teachers for narrowing their instruction to match the tests, said the committee.  When incentives are used, the performance measures need to be broad enough to align with desired student outcomes.  This means not only expanding the range of content covered by tests but also considering other student outcomes beyond a single test.

Policymakers and researchers should design and evaluate alternate approaches using test-based incentives, the committee said.  Among the approaches proposed during current policy debates are those that would deny tenure to teachers whose students fail to meet a minimal level of test performance.  Another proposal is to use the narrow information from tests to trigger a more intensive school evaluation that would consider a broader range of information and then provide support to help schools improve.  The modest and variable benefits shown by incentive programs so far, however, means that all use of incentives should be rigorously evaluated to determine what works and what does not, said the committee.

In addition, it is important that research on and development of new incentive-based approaches does not displace investment in the development of other aspects of the education system – such as improvements in curricula and instructional methods — that are important complements to the incentives themselves, the report cautions.

The study was sponsored by Carnegie Corporation of New York and the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation.  The National Academy of Sciences, National Academy of Engineering, Institute of Medicine, and National Research Council make up the National Academies.  They are private, nonprofit institutions that provide science, technology, and health policy advice under a congressional charter.  The Research Council is the principal operating agency of the National Academy of Sciences and the National Academy of Engineering.  For more information, visit http://national-academies.org.  A committee roster follows.

NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL

Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education

Committee on Incentives and Test-Based Accountability 

Michael Hout (chair)*

Professor and Natalie Cohen Sociology Chair

Department of Sociology

University of California

Berkeley

 

Dan Ariely

James B. Duke Professor of Psychology and Behavioral Economics

Fuqua School of Business

Duke University

Durham, N.C.

George P. Baker III

Herman C. Krannert Professor of Business Administration

Harvard Business School

Boston

Henry Braun

Boisi Professor of Education and Public Policy

Boston College

Chestnut Hill, Mass.

Anthony S. Bryk (until 2008)

President

Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching

Stanford, Calif.

Edward L. Deci

Professor of Psychology;

Gowan Professor of Social Sciences; and

Director

Human Motivation Program

University of Rochester

Rochester, N.Y.

Christopher F. Edley Jr.

Professor and Dean

School of Law

University of California

Berkeley

Geno Flores

Deputy Superintendent

San Diego City Schools

San Diego

Carolyn J. Heinrich

Professor and Director

LaFollette School of Public Affairs

College of Letters and Science

University of Wisconsin

Madison

Paul Hill

Director

Center on Reinventing Public Education, and

John and Marguerite Corbally Professor

University of Washington

Bothell

Thomas J. Kane

Professor of Education and Economics

Graduate School of Education

Harvard University , and

Deputy Director for Research and Data

Education Program

Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation

Seattle

Daniel M. Koretz

Henry Lee Shattuck Professor

Graduate School of Education

Harvard University

Cambridge, Mass.

Kevin Lang

Professor

Department of Economics

Boston University

Boston

Susanna Loeb

Professor of Education

Graduate School of Education

Stanford University

Stanford, Calif.

Michael Lovaglia

Professor of Sociology, and

Director

Center for the Study of Group Processes

Department of Sociology

University of Iowa

Iowa City

Lorrie A. Shepard

Dean and Distinguished Professor

School of Education

University of Colorado

Boulder

Brian Stecher

Senior Social Scientist and Associate     Director

RAND Education

RAND Corp.

Santa Monica, Calif.

An Open Letter from Former Stand for Children Activists About a Ballot Measure

If only the Stand for Children folks in our state had such convictions.

The following is an open letter from former Stand for Children members in Massachusetts.

As parents, teachers, and community members, we are Massachusetts grassroots activists for education. We read bills, testify at hearings, write letters to the editor, pore over budgets, speak at town meetings, make phone calls, and hold fundraisers. Many of us have done so for years.

It was as part of this work and with great hope that we joined Stand for Children.  And—initially—Stand helped us do great work.  We cast a critical eye on education bills at the State House and testified as needed. We turned back ballot initiatives that would have gutted education funding. We closely watched local budgets to keep dollars close to classrooms. We put our voices, time, money, and reputations into building Stand for Children. Because we were united and we spoke from our experience, we were heard.

Along the way, we learned a great deal about the legislative process, education funding, and policy. We learned to research our positions, present them, and back them up.

But in 2009, while we struggled to give voice to the needs of our schools, Stand’s staff was turning away from our concerns, announcing that it expected its members to forgo community advocacy in favor of a new, special agenda. This agenda, emerging seemingly out of nowhere, touted more charter schools, more testing, and punishing teachers and schools for low student scores.

None of these initiatives arose from the needs of our communities.  Indeed, we understood well their dangers. Yet all of them became the positions of Stand for Children. Policy proposals no longer came from the local level. They were dictated from the top.

What accounted for this shift?  We were mystified at first. But we’ve since learned that Stand abandoned its own local members – us – to follow the lure of millions of dollars from Bain Capital, the Walton Foundation, Bill Gates, and others who had an agenda in conflict with our previous efforts.

The ballot initiative brought forward by Stand for Children is just the most recent example.

Stand was one group of many at the table when the new Massachusetts educator evaluation system was hammered out over several months last spring. Unions, principals, state officials, parents—all contributed. But when the new regulations were finally announced, one group walked away—Stand for Children.

Immediately, Stand filed for a ballot initiative and used some of their new corporate money to hire people to collect the signatures. It cost them $3 a signature, but they have plenty more. They are following the master plan revealed in Colorado by their national CEO, Jonah Edelman, a month before it was announced in Massachusetts.

The proposed ballot measure attempts to blow up the collaborative work that created the new regulations last spring. It does nothing to improve teaching in our schools. What it does is put the careers of our teachers at the mercy of an untested rating system, violating the recommendations of the people who designed that system.

We fear the result would be to drive some of our best teachers away from the schools that need them most.

This ballot measure fits the ideology of its corporate sponsors, but it is not what we want for those who teach our children. Most of all, it is not what we want for our children.

Therefore we the undersigned, as former members and leaders of Stand for Children, urge Massachusetts voters to oppose this ballot measure.

Ted A. Adams, Medford

Alessandro Alessandrini, Lexington School Committee member

Bonnie Brodner, Lexington School Committee member

Dale Bryan, Medford

Margaret E. Coppe, Lexington School Committee member

Ann Marie Cugno, Medford School Committee member

Jonathan Dreyer, Lexington

Mary Finn, Medford

Ann Gallager, Medford

Roger Garberg, Gloucester School Committee member

Isabel Gonzalez, Worcester, Former Stand staff organizer

Jason Grow, Gloucester

Sharon Guzik, Medford

Matt Haberstroh, Medford

Victoria Halal, Medford

Geeta Jain, Medford

John J. Krawczyk, Lexington

Mary-Beth Landy, Medford

Lynne Lupien, Lowell, MA

Bonnie McFarlane, Medford

Michelle McGonagle, Medford

Beth Morris, Gloucester

Tracy Novick, Worcester School Committee member

Ann O’Halloran, Waltham, formerly of Newton Stand for Children

Natalie O’Hayre, Worcester

Simon Paddock, Gloucester

Rev. Aaron Payson, Worcester

Meryl Perlson, Medford

Sondra Peskoe, Brookline, formerly of Arlington Stand for Children

Joyce Shortt, Somerville, MA

Deb Steigman, Worcester

Mary Ann Stewart, Lexington

Paulette Van der Kloot, Medford School Committee member

Adiya White-Hammond, Boston

Charter School Myths

When Chad Magendanz stood up in front of the Washington State PTA at the convention a few weeks ago and stated that a KIPP school that he visited had a 95% graduation rate, I decided that it was time to bust some myths about charter schools that have been floating around.

I’ll start with Chad’s lalapalooza that basically charter schools have this incredible and truly unbelievable success rate at graduating students on time.

It’s easy when a school can cherry pick their students or counsel them out. The reality is that there are few English Language Learners (ELL’s) in charter schools and most charter schools will not accept or will counsel out IEP students (Individualized Education Program) who have special requirements. Students in this category include children with learning disabilities, ADHD, emotional or cognitive disorders, autism, speech or language impairment or developmental delay. These are students that public schools not only accept but provide individualized programs for under the law and with as much of a budget that a school or district can muster.

Charter schools don’t want these students because states mandate that for a charter school to keep their charter, the school is required to show a certain level of performance and this is reflected in test scores. It a student is going to test poorly, the charter school does not want that student. It is also expensive to provide additional support for IEP and ELL students and most charter schools are looking at their bottom line in terms of profitability.

This leads me to the second myth about charter schools:

Charter Schools do not take funding away from public schools.

Wrong.

What has happened in cities like Chicago and Philadelphia is that as students leave the public schools, the money has followed the student to the charter school.

The way that public schools manage to maintain a budget for special instruction of ELL and IEP students is to pool the financial resources that come with each student. Every district has a certain amount of money per student that is to be used for their education. It varies from district to district depending upon the district’s budget. The majority of students in a typical school population require less in terms of actual costs than their IEP and ELL counterparts so the money is distributed to where the funding is needed.

When students who require less in terms of actual costs leave the school population and a greater percentage of students who remain require more funding, overall there is less money to go around for the students who require additional support.

Also, if a student attends a charter school in the fall and is then “counseled out”, the money stays with the charter school for that school year. This is another racket that some charter schools are involved in, expelling students after getting the cash from the district for that student.

When I met with Arne Duncan two years ago, a teacher from Chicago asked Arne what he was going to do with all of the special ed students who had been left behind in the public schools. She said that the school and the teachers were overwhelmed with the growing percentage of IEP and ELL students who needed additional time and resources that the school no longer had. Arne gave his goofy smile that is supposed to be disarming and said nothing that addressed her concerns.

Myth #3: Charter schools are public schools

Ha!

So far we’ve seen that charter schools use public funds to stay afloat and even to make a profit but that’s where the term “public” begins and ends.

The intention of public schools was to ensure that all children received an education that would be the foundation for a productive future. The funding for education would be provided using tax payer dollars and schools would be run in a democratic and transparent manner.

None of the above applies to charter schools.

Typically there is no oversight of charter schools by publicly elected school boards and little to no protection of students from charter school violations. Typically charter schools have well-paid CEO’s who run the schools and a selected board to oversee how the school is run. Most charter schools do not support parent or teacher involvement.

There is also the fact that charter schools have created highly segregated school populations. See UCLA Report Says Charters Are Causing Resegregation Of American Schools and an interview with UCLA’s Civil Rights Project co-director Gary Orfield:

Myth #4: Non-profit charter schools are OK, for-profit charter schools are not.

Just because an organization is a “non-profit”, doesn’t mean that a profit cannot be had. Look at Teach for America, Inc for instance. TFA, Inc. is an organization that started out as a good idea but is now pushing its way into one school district after another demanding yearly fees for their uncredentialed and poorly trained recruits to populate minority public schools. Kopp is making a fortune off of what was once an admirable idea between receiving millions from her donors and $50M grants from the government on top of the average $5,000 per recruit per year fees that she garnishes from school districts. The atrocity is that these recruits go broke having to pay for their expenses.

There is nothing inherently altruistic about a non-profit. Many times it’s simply a wolf in sheep’s clothing. An example would be Michelle Rhee, another proponent of the privatization of our schools. She’s raking in millions between her donors and speaking engagements and exactly where is that money going?

Another fact to keep in mind is that most charter schools are managed by CMO’s, Charter Management Organizations such as White Hat Management, or EMO’s, Education Management Organizations, which add another layer of cost to school districts.

Which brings me to another myth that is related to charter schools, you don’t need to be credentialed, experienced or educated in education to be a good teacher.

This myth is related to charter schools in two ways. First, charter schools rarely hire union teachers or teachers with much experience. This is a way to keep the cost down so the myth is perpetrated that students don’t require teachers who are experienced, credentialed or have received a degree, particularly a Master’s degree, in education.

The second reason is that it supports the action by charter schools in hiring TFA, Inc. recruits to staff their schools with cheap labor.

What’s interesting about this myth is that you hear it repeated by people who have their children in private schools where they would consider the best teachers to have all of the attributes listed above including Bill Gates.

And finally, the myth that is continually repeated that has no basis in fact is that charter schools are better than public school in terms of student performance.

Not only are their several peer-reviewed studies that show otherwise, but we see in states like Florida and New York that the proliferation of charter schools has not raised test scores or closed the much touted “achievement gap”.

Studies regarding charter schools include:

The Stanford Credo Report: Charter School Performance in Pennsylvania

New Charter Study by Mathematica With More Bad News for Corporate Ed Reform

NEW STANFORD (CREDO) REPORT FINDS SERIOUS QUALITY CHALLENGE IN NATIONAL CHARTER SCHOOL SECTOR

REVIEW OF THE LOUISIANA RECOVERY SCHOOL DISTRICT: LESSONS FOR THE BUCKEYE STATE

Schools Without Diversity: Education Management Organizations, Charter Schools, and the Demographic Stratification

Vanderbilt Study: Instructional Conditions in Charter Schools and Students’ Mathematics Achievement Gains

What we need is for all of those folks who are putting millions into backing the privatization of our schools to pay their fair share of taxes including Bill Gates.

Then, the population needs to realize that for our children to have a good education, we have to pay for it. Funding in education has been woefully lacking over the years and it is finally made itself painfully apparent in terms of the condition of our schools, the lack of resources that teachers have including up to date text books, a shorter school day and school year, and a loss of classes in music, drama, art, physical education as well as other classes that help spark an interest in learning.

And finally, our values need to change. The Secretary of Education Arne Duncan started his campaign for the privatization of our schools with a $5B plan that he termed Race to the Top. That money seemed like so much money to people and unfortunately schools districts and states fell for it and tried to comply with the demands of the Department of Education for what turned out to be a small pittance and did not cover all that each state was to do to receive RTTT money. What makes this so terrible in comparison is that last year we spent $5B every two weeks in Afghanistan. $5B for 50 states as a one shot deal to educate our children and $5B to Afghanistan every two weeks. As I said, our values as a nation need to change and we need to start demanding that federal funds be diverted away from spending on the corporate/military complex and the propping up of financial institutions and instead be used to educate our children. That’s where our future is.

Dora

Other articles and video’s of interest:

The Inconvenient Truth Behind Waiting for Superman

Access Denied: New Orleans Students and Parents Identify Barriers to Public Education

Parents say special-ed kids falling victim in charter battle for space inside city schools

Teach For America: A False Promise

Teach for America: The Hidden Curriculum of Liberal Do-Gooders

Does Teacher Preparation Matter? Evidence about Teacher Certification, Teach for America, and Teacher Effectiveness

Charter law forced school’s closure

Charter discipline policy under fire

Dirty job: charter teachers janitors

Florida charter schools and the lack of oversight

This article first appeared in the Miami Herald last December but as I was going through my links preparing to write a post, I discovered that it was no longer available. Fortunately another source on the internet had copied it in full and I am doing the same here because it is a story to know about.

Florida Charter Schools: big money, little oversight

by Scott Hiaason and Kathleen McGrory

“School districts are limited in their authority over charter schools,” said Schuster, the Miami-Dade spokesman. “They have minimal ability to impose effective consequences.”

Preparing for her daughter’s graduation in the spring, Tuli Chediak received a blunt message from her daughter’s charter high school: Pay us $600 or your daughter won’t graduate.

She also received a harsh lesson about charter schools: Sometimes they play by their own rules.

During the past 15 years, Florida has embarked on a dramatic shift in public education, steering billions in taxpayer dollars from traditional school districts to independently run charter schools. What started as an educational movement has turned into one of the region’s fastest-growing industries, backed by real-estate developers and promoted by politicians.

But while charter schools have grown into a $400-million-a-year business in South Florida, receiving about $6,000 in taxpayer dollars for every student enrolled, they continue to operate with little public oversight. Even when charter schools have been caught violating state laws, school districts have few tools to demand compliance.

Charter schools have become a parallel school system unto themselves, a system controlled largely by for-profit management companies and private landlords — one and the same, in many cases — and rife with insider deals and potential conflicts of interest.

In many instances, the educational mission of the school clashes with the profit-making mission of the management company, a Miami Herald examination of South Florida’s charter school industry has found. Consider:

• Some schools have ceded almost total control of their staff and finances to for-profit management companies that decide how the schools’ money is spent. The Life Skills Center of Miami-Dade County, for example, pays 97 percent of its income to a management company as a “continuing fee.” And when the governing board of two affiliated schools in Hollywood tried to eject its managers, the company refused to turn over school money it held — and threatened to press criminal charges against any school officials who attempted to access the money.

• Many management companies also control the land and buildings used by the schools — sometimes collecting more than 25 percent of a school’s revenue in lease payments, in addition to management fees. The owners of Academica, the state’s largest charter school operator, collect almost $19 million a year in lease payments on school properties they control in Miami-Dade and Broward counties, audit and property records show.

• Charter schools often rely on loans from management companies or other insiders to stay afloat, making charter school governing boards beholden to the managers they oversee. Loans to two Pompano Beach schools were disguised as gifts in financial documents to avoid scrutiny from the school district and make struggling schools appear solvent, the schools’ former managers said in court papers.

• At some financially weak schools, tight budgets have forced administrators to cut corners. The cash-strapped Balere Language Academy in South Miami Heights taught its seventh-grade students in a toolshed, records show. The Academy of Arts & Minds in Coconut Grove went weeks without textbooks. Schools have also been accused of using illegal tactics to bring in more money — charging students illegal fees for standard classes, or faking attendance records to earn more tax dollars, court records show.

• Charter schools in Miami-Dade take a disproportionately lower share of black, poor and disabled children, records show. One in three students in Miami-Dade traditional public schools are black, while one in five charter school students are black. School district officials also suspect some charter schools have deliberately sought out high-performing students — contrary to the schools’ contracts.

This year, several South Florida charter schools made headlines for violating local rules or state laws, including Arts & Minds, which was accused of charging illegal fees to students, and Balere, which the school district said turned into an after-hours nightclub on weekends. The district withheld funding from both schools — before concluding that it does not have the legal authority to do so.

That’s because Florida’s charter school laws — considered among the nation’s most charter school friendly — are aimed more at promoting the schools than policing them, leaving school districts with few ways to enforce the rules.

When school districts have taken a hard line with charter schools, they have found their decisions second-guessed by state education officials in Tallahassee. And as the number of charter schools has climbed — almost 200 now operate in Miami-Dade and Broward counties alone — state lawmakers have chipped away at local school districts’ ability to monitor them.

“It’s frustrating for school district officials,” said John Schuster, spokesman for the Miami-Dade school district. “The only cases where we can really intervene are safety-to-life, severe financial distress or poor academic performance.”

MEDICINE FOR WHAT AILED US
Bringing marketplace principles to education

Charter schools first took hold in Florida in 1996, amid worries of overcrowded classrooms and poor student performance in urban school districts. They were seen as a cure for many of the problems in public schools, bringing innovative techniques and smaller classes to populations of students struggling to keep up. Charter schools were also designed to give parents more choices, and bring the principles of the marketplace to public education. Competition from charter schools was expected to force public schools to adapt and improve.

In many ways, the plan succeeded. Florida now has 519 charter schools — from small, specialized schools tucked in strip malls and churches to sprawling new campuses with 3,000 kids from kindergarten to 12th grade.

Some charter schools rank among the highest in the state in academic performance. School districts in Miami-Dade, Broward and around the state have responded to the competition by creating more magnet schools and specialized programs.

By design, charter schools are unshackled from many of the bureaucratic rules of traditional public schools, with independent school governing boards making most decisions instead of the local school district. Charter school advocates say this freedom is needed for schools to be creative and nimble, and to encourage start-ups.

While this freewheeling system has minimized the oversight of school districts, it has given rise to a cottage industry of professional charter school management companies that — along with the landlords and developers who own and build schools — control the lion’s share of charter schools’ money.

In Miami-Dade and Broward, about two in three charter schools are run by management companies, which charge fees ranging from 5 to 18 percent of a school’s income. These fees can exceed $1 million a year at a large charter school.

Some management companies handle only school finances, while others control the budget, hiring and the curriculum.

In some cases, the managers effectively take over the schools, using financial leverage to render the schools’ governing boards “irrelevant,” said Pam Hackett, a retired legislative aide who has served on the boards of five Broward County charter schools.

“They push the little guy into a corner where they can’t afford to do anything but acquiesce or go out of business,” Hackett said.

Two years ago, Hackett sparred with the Leona Group, a Michigan-based management company, after the company removed a popular principal from two affiliated Hollywood charter schools on whose board she serves — Sunshine Elementary and Paragon Academy of Technology. When the board tried to rehire the principal, the management company objected, saying it alone had that power.

“They basically told us: ‘According to the contract, we can do whatever we want,’ ” Hackett said.

The board had other complaints with Leona: The management company refused to provide school records, including contracts and spending documents, and failed to follow the school’s education plan, school officials said. The board canceled Leona’s contract in July 2009.

When school officials later tried to access the schools’ bank accounts, Leona refused to give up the money — and its lawyer accused them of attempting to steal it, court records show.

Leona “is committed to criminally prosecuting those individuals responsible for their attempted theft from the account,” attorney Jeffrey Wood wrote in a letter to the schools’ attorney. The dispute is now in litigation.

Leona executives did not return phone calls seeking comment.

Hackett says the schools now operate without any for-profit managers; instead, the principals make all financial and educational decisions. “Overall, it’s cheaper and more efficient and more accountable,” she said.

Many charter schools depend on management companies not just for expertise, but for cash. Schools often borrow money from the managers, creating an uneasy arrangement that can stifle a governing board’s independent oversight.

The Leona Group, for example, gave more than $360,000 to four Broward charter schools — money described as gifts in the schools’ financial reports. But in court papers, the management company said the payments were really loans disguised as gifts to make the schools appear financially sound.

“The funds were referred to as a ‘one-time gift’ so that the schools would not have to show the funds on their balance sheets,” the management company’s lawyers wrote. The schools insist the payments were gifts, not loans.

It is not uncommon for management companies to give or lend money to schools to get them up and running, said Jonathan Hage, president of Charter Schools USA of Fort Lauderdale, one of the region’s largest charter school operators.

Most charter schools lose money in the first year or two as they try to expand enrollment while paying rent, construction costs and other start-up expenses, he said. In addition, new charter schools often find it difficult to get financing from banks.

Hage and other charter school supporters say the state’s funding formula for charter schools is inadequate, making it difficult for smaller schools to survive without assistance. Hage’s company benefits from scale, he said. “Being able to spread overhead costs over many schools and many students helps.”

Statewide, about one in four charter schools have shut down since 1996, either voluntarily or at the command of local school districts — double the national average. Most schools close for financial rather than academic reasons.

SCHOOLS AND THEIR LANDLORDS
For property owners, it’s a profitable deal

Charter schools generally receive more than 80 percent of their income in per-student payments from the state. In addition to the roughly $6,000 per-student allocation — slightly less than what traditional public schools receive — charter schools also get some state funds for facilities and maintenance.

For most charter schools, finding a location is the greatest difficulty and expense. Most schools rent their facilities — in churches, shopping centers, or brand-new school buildings erected by real-estate developers. Any property used by charter schools is exempt from property taxes.

Some schools devote less than 5 percent of their income to rent. Others pay crippling rates.

“Rent continues to be the greatest financial impact for our school,” administrators at Broward Community Charter West wrote in a report to the state Department of Education last year. The school was $118,000 in the red that year.

Neither the state nor the local school districts have rules or guidelines on how much a charter school lease should cost; nor are schools required to seek independent appraisals. But Hage, of Charter Schools USA, said a school’s lease should not eat up more than 20 percent of its revenue.

A Miami Herald review found 19 schools in Miami-Dade and Broward with rents exceeding 20 percent of their income in 2010 — about one in seven South Florida charter schools renting property that year. One Miami Gardens school spent 43 percent of its income on rent, according to audit reports.

Many of the highest rents are charged by landlords with ties to the management companies running the schools, The Miami Herald found. At least 56 charter schools in Miami-Dade and Broward counties sit on land whose owners are tied to management companies, property records show.

For example, the Lincoln-Martí Charter School in Hialeah paid $744,000 in rent last year — about 25 percent of the school’s $3 million budget, even after the landlord reduced the rent by $153,000. The previous year, the school spent one-third of its income on rent, audit records show.

Records show the landlord, D.P. Real Estate Holdings, and the management company are run by the same man: former Miami-Dade School Board member Demetrio Perez Jr. Perez’s son, Demetrio J. Perez, works at the management company, which operates three Lincoln-Martí charter schools.

The Lincoln-Martí charter schools were established by three friends of the elder Perez, who owns a string of well-known private schools and daycare centers also called Lincoln-Martí.

The younger Perez said the school buildings are too large for the student body: Only 364 students attend the school, though the facilities can hold up to 1,000 kids. He said the rent, at $9.78 per square foot, is below market rate; however, the board did not seek an appraisal before approving the lease.

Board member Gil Beltran said the elder Perez plays no role in the school. However, at Perez’s request, the board agreed last year to guarantee $24 million in loans for his real-estate business, records show.

After school district officials objected, the bank released the charter schools from the loan last month. “We didn’t see anything inappropriate about it,” Perez’s son said.

His father’s company has also agreed to give the school $350,000 before the end of the school year as a gift, the younger Perez said. The school currently owes $250,000 in overdue rent.

School districts don’t have the authority to dictate the terms of a charter school’s lease, or any other financial deals. That role falls to a school’s governing board.

But in many cases, the governing board includes members with ties to the management company or the landlord — creating a potential conflict.

At the Academy of Arts & Minds in Coconut Grove, the school’s founder, Manuel Alonso-Poch, acts as the school’s landlord, its manager and the food-service vendor. For the first three years the school operated, Alonso-Poch also served on the governing board, school records show. He stepped down at the urging of the school district in 2006.

Alonso-Poch still has close ties to the board: His cousin, Ruth “Chuny” Montaner, is the chairwoman of the board, which approved all of the school’s contracts with Alonso-Poch’s companies — including a lease that cost 28 percent of the school’s revenue in 2010. (Montaner did not vote on Alonso-Poch’s $90,000-a-year management contract.)

Another Arts & Minds board member, Jorge Guerra Castro, was listed as a board member for years, though he lives in Peru. Castro said he was unaware that he was named to the board until he was told about it by a Herald reporter — yet some school board meeting records purport to show his attendance.

In some instances, the landlords hold significant sway with charter schools’ governing boards.

The landlord of the Charter School at Waterstone in Homestead has the right “to be involved” in any decision to remove the school’s management company, under that school’s lease. Last year, landlord Luis Machado warned the school’s board not to renew a contract with a management firm that had sued the school over a contract dispute, records of the school’s Jan. 6, 2010, board meeting show. Machado told the board he wanted to make sure the school operated “within his business philosophy.”

The school’s board dropped the management company. Machado did not return phone calls seeking comment.

WHEN SCHOOLS PURSUE PROFITS
Strange things can happen, like $600 fees

As statewide budget cuts have hit the bottom line at all public schools, some charters have been accused of cutting costs and boosting revenue at the expense of children and parents.

It’s a story Tuli Chediak knows well. As her daughter was preparing to graduate from the International Studies Charter High School in Miami earlier this year, Chediak was notified that she had failed to complete the 120 hours of volunteer service required of all parents. Her family was told to pay $600 — $5 for each hour — or their daughter could not graduate, Chediak said.

The mother had signed paperwork promising to complete the volunteer service, a common requirement at private schools and some charters. But Chediak said the school offered few opportunities to complete the service. The contract said nothing about a fine or withholding her daughter from graduation, she said.

Chediak refused to pay and complained to the school district, which declined to get involved. The school ultimately allowed her daughter to graduate, and blamed the dispute on a miscommunication. But the experience left Chediak and other parents who were asked to pay frustrated.

“There are people taking advantage of parents,” she said. “It shouldn’t be that way.”

The Balere Language Academy saved cash by teaching nine seventh-graders in a wooden storage shed on campus, records show. One report by the school district said students “had difficulty putting their legs comfortably under the desks.”

The school denied it, but district photographs show colorful posters, a whiteboard and student papers hanging from the walls. The shed is no longer used for classes.

Arts & Minds boosted its bank account for several years by charging student fees for basic classes like math and reading — a violation of state law, school district officials said. The district complained about the practice in September, prompting Arts & Minds administrators to return all checks received from parents this school year.

Parents at Arts & Minds, a school that has relied on loans from its landlord and founder to stay in the black, had also complained that the school did not have enough books for its students, and some classes had no teachers for the first five weeks of this school year.

The complaints aren’t new: Earlier this year, school administrators were photocopying textbooks, until the school’s then-principal questioned whether this violated copyright laws, governing board minutes show.

Insiders at the Mavericks High of South Miami-Dade, a Homestead charter school for at-risk students, also say the school has broken state law to bring in more money.

Kelly Shaw, a former career coordinator at the school, filed a whistleblower suit in June accusing school administrators of defrauding the school district by inflating student attendance and enrollment figures, to increase the amount of money the school collected.

A former Mavericks teacher, Maria del Cristo, filed a separate suit accusing the school of improperly charging fees to students enrolling at the school. Through their attorney, Shaw and del Cristo declined to comment.

Lauren Hollander, the CEO of the school’s management company, Mavericks in Education Florida, denied the allegations, and said both women had been fired “for cause.” The lawsuits are still pending.

Miami-Dade school district officials said they never heard of the allegations.

KEEPING TABS ON PUBLIC DOLLARS
More monitoring urged, less monitoring OK’d

Many problems at charter schools go undetected until they become debilitating — if they’re discovered at all.

Charter schools are required to file financial statements with their local school districts. The reports are among the most important monitoring tools districts have to assess the financial health of charter schools.

Still, the statements don’t always show the complete picture. The law does not require operators to provide details on day-to-day spending — and governing boards can sometimes be left in the dark.

In 2007, the board of Sunshine Academy in Miramar went to police after discovering that the school’s principal, Alcira Manzano, had made unauthorized withdrawals from the school’s account — including $5,200 for a down payment on an SUV, court records show. The board closed the school, and Manzano was arrested on theft charges.

Investigators later found that Manzano had also made loans to the school and personally paid the rent. Broward County prosecutors dropped the charges against Manzano in June.

“The record keeping at the school and oversight of the school by the board of directors was virtually nonexistent,” prosecutor Kathryn Heaven wrote in a memo after dropping the case. “The school appears to have been poorly run.”

In 2008, a legislative report said the state should adopt stronger monitoring methods to detect struggling schools before they reach the brink of closing.

Instead, lawmakers relaxed the rules even more. Earlier this year, Gov. Rick Scott signed a bill allowing some high-performing schools to file financial reports quarterly, instead of monthly. The Legislature also reduced the amount of money that high-performing charter schools must pay to school districts to cover the costs of oversight.

Even when school districts detect problems, their ability to assess charter schools’ conduct and demand compliance is limited.

For example, state law does not spell out clear conflict-of-interest rules for charter schools or their governing boards — a shortcoming highlighted by legislative analysts in 2008, but never changed. Nor does the law clearly define how much control a management company should have.

Earlier this year, Miami-Dade school district auditors questioned whether four schools — two Life Skills charter schools and two Renaissance charter schools —were operating as mere pass-throughs to their for-profit management companies.

The Life Skills schools each paid 97 percent of their money to White Hat Management of Ohio, which in turn paid the school’s expenses — including lease payments to another White Hat company. White Hat officials did not return phone calls seeking comment.

The school district’s audit committee considered asking the schools to modify their contracts, but the district’s attorney determined that the district could not take action.

School districts can deny an application for a new charter school or refuse to renew a school’s charter. But the state Board of Education has overturned those decisions 30 times since 2003, state records show. (The state upheld 53 denials over the same time period.)

School districts can also close a school that has received consecutive failing grades or has persistent financial problems. But some districts, including Miami-Dade, have had that power questioned, too.

In 2010, the Miami-Dade School Board voted to close Rise Academy in Homestead after the school ended the year $250,000 in the red. Questionable expenses included $8,300 at retail clothing stores; $2,800 at hotels and Orlando theme parks; and $2,145 at restaurants, according to bank records. Meanwhile, teachers had gone unpaid and textbooks were in short supply.

Weeks later, the decision to close Rise was overturned by the state Board of Education. State education officials said the school, which had boosted its state-issued grade from F to A in a single year, had not received a fair hearing.

Rise never reopened.

Charter school advocates insist the law and state rules provide for enough oversight.

“There is absolute accountability,” said Lynn Norman-Teck, a spokeswoman for the Florida Consortium of Public Charter Schools. “Parents, if they see something wrong, will call the school, the district, Tallahassee.”

But district officials say it is a frustrating exercise.

“School districts are limited in their authority over charter schools,” said Schuster, the Miami-Dade spokesman. “They have minimal ability to impose effective consequences.”